Tale of Didi, Amma and Priyanka Caste Vs Charisma in Indian Politics

Article first published in +ABP NEWS  Click here to read

Picture Courtesy +ABP NEWS (AFP)

Moving decidedly towards the second half of the fifties in life – Vanaprastha beckons. A home in the hills is something one had always dreamt of. But, Maslow’s hierarchy has been redefined to suit needs of modern times and include Broadband connectivity at the base of the pyramid. So, after an extensive search of hills from Uttarakhand to Kerala via Darjeeling and Coorg  – finally settled for The Nilgiris in Tamil Nadu – which seems to balance nature and nurturing necessities of life the best.
As one planned the transition, there were the unavoidable comparisons between Didi and Amma. A sizeable section of friends and associates felt – if one were to scratch the surface there was not much difference at the core of the two dispensations. Both were based on strong identity politics and personality cult. But, that is probably where the similarities end.
If one were to go by popular perception, the difference in the scale of corruption between the two states – would be like that of the budget of a Rajinikanth blockbuster and the most expensive Bengali Tollywood production. While in Tamil Nadu it is believed to have reached epic proportions ages ago, in Bengal it is still at best nascent. Yet, Tamil Nadu is the most industrialized state in India and continues to be among the top investment destination. It is this conundrum that baffles many at first sight – but the phenomenon is not difficult to explain.
At the risk of appearing cynically pragmatic, it is must be said – notwithstanding righteous remonstrations – corruption is not alien to industrialists across the world. But, what businessmen essentially seek is predictability and stability. Above all, they are interested in delivery (of promises). These are non-negotiable conditions precedent of investment without which no industrialist will put money on the ground. It is precisely on these metrics TN scores consistently high and other states – especially in the Indo-Gangetic belt (UP, Bihar and West Bengal) fail dismally.
Therefore, even in his third term and despite significant progress in infrastructure – Nitish Kumar has little to show in terms of big-ticket investment in the state. Investors take time to build confidence especially if past experience has been negative. The enabling factors for development – obviously, remains work-culture, education, law and order and bureaucratic efficiency – that build an ecosystem conducive to progress.
Thereafter, principles of free market economy take over – where corruption is merely a ‘price-tag’ that people will pay for only if they find what they get in exchange is worth the quote. This also reveals the massive value-creation potential of the Indian economy – which if successfully harnessed can generate sufficient surplus for all to share. So, it is not surprising that the per-capita income of Tamil Nadu stays at the top-end of the chart irrespective of which party is in power.
The analysis above may appear simplistic. But, fundamentals are seldom too complex. It may be argued that, the situation in the Hindi-heartland and the Eastern states are equally predictable – but in an uncharitable sense – because nothing can really ever change there in a hurry. Worse still, the people seem to have reconciled to that fate. So, even if Nitish Kumar won his earlier mandates on the promise of “Vikas” and Mamata Banerjee on “Poriborton” – voters did not hold them critically accountable for it before returning them to power in subsequent elections. This may also be because – the idea of development is bound to be different for those not sure about where their next meal is going to come from and the ones who are spoilt for choice between a TV, Washing Machine or Mixer-Grinder as poll freebies.
But, electoral equations are more complex than econometrics. So – as we inch towards the all-important battle for Uttar Pradesh – the moot question is whether caste considerations of BSP and SP will prevail over charisma of Priyanka Gandhi, Smriti Irani or Anupriya Patel. And, it will not be just the Economy, stupid!!

The author is a marketer, writer and blogger who views life from a Right Angle. Opinions expressed are his own and not that of his employers.

When Left turns Right

Modi and BJP aren't going away in a hurry

Article first published in +Swarajya click here to read

Since the state assembly results were out last Thursday (May 19th) – two sets of views are dominating the op-ed space in print. The first – media pundits across board are finding merit in Amit Shah – Narendra Modi’s strategy for creeping expansion of BJP’s footprint to hitherto unconquered geographies. The second lot — are a series of very convoluted justification of how they were so widely off the mark in their prediction of the West Bengal results. From – a position of taking the outcome for granted – as a cakewalk for Mamata – their hopes had soared for the Left-Congress “Jot” (alliance) gathering traction as the polls progressed. 

The first is more interesting. It took just one election – in which BJP won a single state and in the others managed to only increase its vote share – to change the perspective of the media worthies. Simultaneously, those who till recently were all praise for the new improved Rahul Gandhi 2.0 – post his mysterious sabbatical of last summer – sank into a crisis of confidence apprehensive of India, indeed, becoming #CongressMuktBharat if Rahul were to take full-time charge of the party.

What’s common between the two thesis is – after grudgingly swallowing the outcome – the commentators have changed tack and are freely dispensing advice to both Modi and Mamata on how to make the most of a good verdict. One would have thought by now they would know that these two self made leaders – seldom listen to the counsel of others. But, guess, they feel it is worth a try – if for nothing else - to build bridges and mend fences as neither Modi nor Mamata are likely to go away in a hurry.

What all this still doesn’t explain though – is the abrupt jettisoning of media’s darling — Rahul Gandhi, like the proverbial baby with the bathwater. Papers and channels that were vehemently opposed to Modi and BJP are writing first drafts of obituaries anticipating the imminent decimiation of the grand-old party (in its current form). While some are joining the chorus of “Priyanka lao, Congress Bachao” — others are decrying the formula of “more dynasty” to make up for the talent-deficit in the current generation of the family. The larger eco-system created by the Congress — seem to be more concerned about the future of Congress than, perhaps, Congressmen themselves.

No matter what the political soothsayers have to say about the proverbial phoenix rising from the ashes etc — in their heart they know Congress has not only lost its capacity to be the party in power at the centre but its viability as an alliance partner is also under question. Its often cited that BJP itself had been reduced to a party of two members in Parliament and made a determined comeback. Why can’t Congress repeat such an act ? Or for that matter — the return of Lalu’s RJD in #Bihar. 

The inherent fallacy in this wishful thinking is easy to explain. BJPs turn-around was achieved not by any one man or family — it had the entire organisation of the party and the RSS working for its revival. Lalu’s rehabilitation was achieved by the unstinted backing of his community — caste base, who felt one of their own had been victimised — in the power war of the political elite. Unfortunately, Rahul Gandhi evokes no such emotional surplus among Congress’ core constituents. 

Thus the prospects of BJP occupying the central space vacated by the Congress and the motley crowd of regional warlords jostling against it — is not a scenario that excites the media mandarins. But, these elections have brought home a few more sharp realisations that are even more unsettling for the Congress nurtured ecosystem — 

1. Even without winning elections BJP can emerge as a force to reckon with nationally by sheer increase in Vote Share; 
2. If the new trend of the electorate voting decisively in state elections based on local issues and sub-national lines, it is likely they will vote in the Lok Sabha elections keeping the larger national picture in mind;
3. Narendra Modi still remains the most popular and credible National Leader. Therefore, no matter which way some of the forthcoming state polls (Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan etc) might go — and people may yet trust Modi with another term as Prime Minister.

So, it is not the Congress or Rahul Gandhi but Narendra Modi and BJP who can’t be written off in a hurry.

Mamata has created history; now it is her chance to leave a mark on history

Reboot "Poriborton": Mamata Banerjee V 2.0

Article First Published in +ABPLIVE Click here to read

Mamata Banerjee has surprised supporters and confounded opponents and critics alike by her historic victory. Though this writer could legitimately claim an “I told you so” moment — truth be told even he had a twinkling of doubt as the counting-day approached. Planted leaks in the guise of “Satta Bazaar” quotes and alleged Government Intelligence inputs created an air of uncertainty. Exit Polls, barring one, made guarded predictions of a Trinamool win by a slender margin. Mamata Banerjee herself went into a contemplative retreat and the usually vocal members of her party appeared to be on recess.

Finally, when Mamata emerged from the inner sanctum of her Kalighat home yesterday — she was a picture of composure that one has not often seen in the past. She addressed the media with moderation and maturity that would well behove an incumbent Prime Minister’s “victory speech” — of course, peppered with a few humble howlers like “Bengal is a CORRUPTION FREE state”. Clearly, a new, refreshed Mamata Banerjee 2.0 is all set for a re-launch.

Mamata Banerjee, the chief minister of West Bengal and head of the Trinamool Congress (TMC), greets party activists near her residence in Kolkata on May 19, 2016. PIC/AFP.

Mamata Banerjee’s ambition cannot — and should not — be limited to being a second or multi-term Chief Minister of West Bengal. She is also not cut in the mold of a Jayalalitha or Naveen Patnaik — content to play kingmaker while being the emperor (or empress) in their far corner of the world. Having come a long way from being a street-fighter — she is more in the league of a Nitish, Mulayam, Lalu (in which, Kejriwal is a wannabe gatecrasher). So to be ready for the “Finals” in 2019 — in which, Nitish already has a head start — she needs to get cracking immediately.

Mamata Banerjee’s first challenge will be to rein in the euphoria of her party cadres over this epic victory — which even they could not have imagined. Simultaneously, the wings of the local Trinamool satraps (especially those — who were becoming a liability) have to be clipped early and they have to be made to understand the electorate has voted for Mamata Banerjee in all 284 constituencies and not for any or even the strongest and most popular among them. At this juncture, Mamata can scarcely afford a descent like Bihar’s slow but stead slide back to “jungle-raj” — which will put her in a handicap even before the race starts.

But, the most important item on her agenda has to be the Economy — which holds the key for much that ails West Bengal today. Job creation can no longer be outsourced to “syndicates”. Banking should be given back to Bankers from chit-fund barons and pada “Dadas” relieved of their responsibility for “Tax” (‘Tola’) collection.

Calcutta and Bengal first grew as a trading centre. The descendants of Jagat Seth know enough about Commerce — to have to rely on nefarious cross-border operators. Bengal’s famous Gobinda-Bhog Rice should get precedence over illegal Poppy cultivation in Malda.

Above all, the lumpen proletariat she inherited from the Left regime must realize the real “money-machines” are industry and not potable fake currency printing presses. Now, with a stronger than ever mandate it is time for her to “bite the bullet” on land acquisition policy. But, if Mamata choses to wait till 2019, Bengal would once again have missed the bus. On the other hand, a few big quick wins can change mood of the state and she can ride the wave of optimism to garner a large cache of Lok Sabha seats — to make her a formidable stakeholder in any national political formulation.

Prior to that — what has to be set right is the infamous “work culture” of Bengal. Before, industry finds its new roots — the service industry can get a boost. Gujarat is not just — Sanand. Ahmedabad today is a premier Health-care destination, as indeed Pune, Bangalore and Manipal are for education. The concept of “quality” has to be re-injected into the Bengali DNA — that must be all pervasive from construction of fly-overs to running efficient hospitals, schools and colleges.

To move to Delhi, Mamata Banerjee will need to put her house in order at the state level. An Abhishek cannot be an Akhilesh — at least as yet. She would do well to empower colleagues with proven track-record like Subrata Mukherjee in the government — while letting Mukul Roy manage the party, which would also provide a good check and balance. Will she?

Mamata Banerjee is too canny a politician not to realize she is destined to play a much bigger role in national politics. And, she is not the kind to ruin her prospects by playing the wrong cards.

In these elections, she has created history and now it is her chance to leave a mark in history.

Nilgiris Diary

Article published in The Outlook Magazine (issue dated February 29th, 2016) Click here to read

Why it's in Chetan Bhagat's interest Mod-Bhakts don't improve their English

Chetan Bhagat's dissection of “Bhakts’’ – albeit mildly amusing – is superficial and simplistic, as one has  generally come to expect of him.  Abuse or insults in any form can’t be condoned – but the Freudian explanation of Bhagat (whom the ‘’adarsh liberal’’ twitterati have gleefully welcomed back to their fold as ‘’a reformed Bhakt’’)  – ignoring its deeper socio-political roots - is specious at best.

In 1967, when the first United Front Government came to power in West Bengal by dislodging Congress  - Ram Chatterjee, a Minister from one of the alliance partners (Forward Block, Marxist) stormed the Calcutta Swimming Club (till then an exclusive preserve of expatriates and foreigners – as the Breach Candy Club in Mumbai still is)  with a truck-load of Santhal Adivasis. While the Santhals jumped into the pool - Chatterjee and his cronies raided the bar - exhausted the entire stock of imported liquor. This was Calcutta’s Bastille moment of sorts and soon the Club was forced to open its doors to Indians (read 'natives').

When Twitter arrived on the Indian scene, it began largely as a parlour for the ‘’English Speaking’’ elite. At one level it was the Social Media equivalent of IIC for the Lutyens’ liberals, at another it was a hang-out for the yuppies and the social parvenus discussing Bollywood, Restaurants and Cricket (or MUFC and Arsenal at night). Narendra Modi unleashed his army of followers into this sacred land - much like Ram Chatterjee did at the Calcutta Swimming Club – starting a cultural Kurukshetra as it were. It may be argued – this was a democratisation of Twitter – a reality that was quickly recognised by the new-kid-on-the block AAP and later also grudgingly accepted (with limited success so far) by a stodgy Congress.

Contrary to Bhagat’s assertion - that the Bhakt-brigade suffers from deep-seated inferiority complex – it is, in fact, the Boston Brahmins of MSM who viewed this as an invasion into their inherited territory and felt threatened  and insecure at the prospect of the political and social narrative was being hijacked from their control. This led to the disparaging coinage of terms like ‘’Bhakts’’ and ‘’Internet Hindus’’ – which invited counter invectives like ‘’Adarsh Liberals’’.  (Later we shall see a similar action replay from the ‘’Bhakts’’ at the intrusion of ‘’AAPtards’’ into what they considered, by now, their well-won space). The same attitude is visible in the hostile and condescending attitude of the talking heads on English TV Channels.

It may be true, many ‘Bhakts’ lack the ‘’intellectual wherewithal’’ (to borrow a phrase from the highly cerebral Hartosh Singh Bal) – but there is no reason for them to feel apologetic about it. They can’t be blamed for their lack of sophistication and social skills – as they are a product of the educational system and social structure the country provided them all these years and they are not as privileged as the few Oxbridge, Stephen’s or JNU educated self-appointed custodians of secularism and democracy.

Unlike in MSM –opinions can’t be blocked en-masse editorially on Social Media – despite any amount of “gate-keeping’’. Through Twitter the so called “Bhakts’’  think they have found their rightful voice and feel empowered to participate in the national discourse, which has so far been a monopoly of the “Macaulay-Putras’’.

Whether his detractors like it or not Narendra Modi is a phenomenon - that represents the hopes and aspirations of a huge section of the population who feel they were not adequately represented in the national polity so far. Therefore, any attack on Narendra Modi is seen by this section as an assault on their constituency. One may argue, if supporters of Jayalalitha or Mamata were on Twitter in equally large numbers – they would have behaved quite similarly. ‘’Modi as a man’’ may fail – and could well turn out to be a God with feet of Clay. But, the idea of India which he has unleashed is here to stay.

Interestingly, since Twitter remains a largely English dominated medium - there are not too many multi-lingual intellectuals who engage on Twitter. But, it may not be very inaccurate to say our “Bhasha” intellectuals – whether on Social Media or MSM are far more tolerant of Right-Wing views than their English brotherhood. Not sure, if it would be correct to draw any correlation between this perceived difference in attitude and the now clichéd distinction between India Vs Bharat.

So people like Rana Ayyub may celebrate the ‘Ghar-wapasi’ of prodigal members of the English speaking elite like Chetan Bhagat. But, she would be well advised to recognise – that this motley group of  PLU’s (People Like Us) will have very limited influence over the future discourse – which is likely to be dominated by PLTs (People Like Them). Therefore, baiting them with supercilious barbs is only going to beget vituperative outburst and define the battle lines much more sharply.

No amount of Social Media Policing or “Bhakt-Hunt’’ can cure this malady. But, accepting the reality that –  PLTs are here to stay and allowing them adequate space and time to mature  in what is a new medium for all - will pave the way for more civil interaction in the times to come at any forum.

And, as far as Chetan Bhagat is concerned – he should be thankful that so few Indians are good in English otherwise Amitav Ghosh’ novels would have sold more than his own.

Article first published in @DailyO_ on 12th July 2015 Click here for link