Breakthrough in Nepal's Madhesi Crisis

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A former Indian Ambassador to Nepal  – who had also been a High Commissioner in Bangladesh – told me once, he found it much easier to operate in Dhaka than in Kathmandu because there he didn’t have to contend with the “feudacracy” in India, who constantly try to meddle in Nepal’s affairs. By “feudacracy” he meant – the clique of erstwhile “Rajas and Maharajas” in Indian politics (especially in the Congress) who have links with Nepal by marriage. I suspect if asked now he would have also added “media-cracy”  – the dozens of op-ed writers who know what the Indian government should do in Nepal – more than South-Block and the Intelligence agencies combined.  It’s no coincidence many of them are alumni of JNU (“Marxo-cracy”).

India baiting and playing the “China Card” are the favourite pastime of the Kathmandu elite – Nepal’s version of Lutyens’ and, therefore, easily resonates  in the India International Centre circuit (which is where visiting Nepali politicians and intellectuals usually put up – unless they are state guests, when they enjoy Indian hospitality at one of the 5 star hotels). Burning effigies of Indian Prime Ministers and Ambassadors are akin to unseasonal mini-Diwali in the valley. In the current vitiated political atmosphere – one area  Modi critics were slightly short of pegs to hang him was Foreign Policy (except for his frequent foreign sojourns).  For this, the Nepal Crisis came in handy. Blame was equally apportioned between the NSA and Foreign Secretary, who it was alleged were too busy arranging the foreign trips of the PM and took their eyes off goings-on in the immediate neighbourhood.

Historically, it has been seen in case of tension with Nepal – usually the sleuths prevail over the diplomats. This is, perhaps, one instance when both establishments worked in tandem with Sushma Swaraj’s quiet backstage diplomacy. They all stuck to strategy – ignoring both political and media pressure. Gradually voices of reason started surfacing even in Nepal – just as Kathmandu high-society got busy with their winter lunches and or took off for holidays to more comfortable climes abroad and the new political top brass (Nepal has 6 Deputy PM’s) got over the initial euphoria and began to understand the futility of posturing.

It is common knowledge that the people in the valley look down upon the Madhesis with disdain and a touch of contempt – considering them to be encroachers and “half-Indians”. But, yet Nepal knows without Madhes, it can’t be a viable economic and political entity (as most industry and agriculture is concentrated in the plains, which also serves to connect different regions of the hilly terrain, which are otherwise not easily accessible). While the bogey of “Sikkimisation” of Nepal by India is routinely raised – in their hearts the wise Nepali understands the risks of “Tibetisation” are greater – if they were indulge in unmindful flirting with China.   Finally, it would be naive of them to believe India (and, indeed, other international interests) would remain aloof to what’s happening in this very strategic stretch of land.

Relations between Nepal and India will always remain “complicated”. It is said Nepalis love everything Indian except Indians.  While India can’t afford to treat Nepal as another state of India, Nepal too can’t forget the 2 countries are joined at the hips and can’t do without each other – sibling sentimentality.

Parallels are drawn with another alleged “blockade” in the late 80s – which people simplistically believe was a consequence of the spouse of a late Minister not being allowed entry in Pashupatinath Temple. This time around it was a game of ‘brinkmanship’ of who blinks first. Probably, there would have been a much earlier resolution of the impasse – had it not been such a young government with a motley leadership at the helm still trying to find their equilibrium. India did well to stay its course – with an outcome that will hopefully be remembered in the long run in a more positive light  – if not by all – a large section of Nepali people.

Also Read: It's not India Vs Nepal but Kathmandu Elite Vs Madhesis (Click here) 

                 Nepal isn't the most beautiful state of India (Click here)

No, Nepal isn't the most beautiful state of India

A leading Bollywood actress of the 90s (still a Diva on the small screen) – famously said on a FM Channel live interview in Kathmandu: “Nepal is the most beautiful state of India’’. She had to be escorted out through the back gate of the hotel in Lazimpat and put on the next flight to Delhi. Then there was  Sahib Singh Verma, who in trying to elaborate on his close ties with the people of Nepal  said - both my cook and watchman are from Nepal. After the so-called Hrithik Roshan riots - the actor was quoted as saying - how can I say anything abusive about Nepalis ? I was brought up by a Nepali Nanny. Anecdotes of such insensitive gaffes by Indians abound – which are unpardonable and not funny even in retrospect.

I have a special affinity for Nepal having lived there for some years during its most tumultuous period between the late 90s and early 200s – that saw Maoists insurgency at its peak, the Royal Massacre, IC-814 hijacking and the anti-India riots.  There is a long-standing joke among expatriates  in Nepal – “You cry twice. Once when you arrive in Kathmandu and next  only when you are leaving’’ – in between you spend, what could probably be, some of the best years of your life. So, when we moved back to India – we carried with us precious memories and left behind many good friends – who have graciously made us a part of their extended family.  Thanks to Social Media –  a virtual cosy club has emerged with an eclectic band of members - ranging from corporate executives, business honchos, bankers ,  diplomats, journalists  and quite a few embassy officials (from the ‘’other side’’ as they were discreetly referred to) who later went onto occupy very senior positions in their ‘’parent’’ services back home. Then there is always the common watering hole in Delhi – the IIC Bar – where one regularly runs into visiting Nepali politicians and journalists.

Here I must hasten to add – before I’m branded as an honorary member of the “Kathmandu Elite’’ – my experience and network wasn’t limited to the “Valley’’ alone.  Unlike – most Indians who seldom venture beyond Pokhara and Dhulikhel  - as a friend who later rose to the highest office in Delhi’s CGO Complex  off Lodi Road used to joke – being an itinerant  salesman I had to cover (sometimes on foot)  regions from distant Baglung in the West, remote Palpa in the middle  to Dhankuta in the  East. - My factory was plonk in the heart of Terai – in the Maoists infested belt of Makwanpur District bordering Chitwan.  So – though I don’t claim to be a ‘Nepal expert’ – my connections with the erstwhile “Himalayan Kingdom’’ still run quite deep.

My first lesson upon landing in Kathmandu came from a peer in a multi-national company. “Nepalis love everything Indian except Indians’’, he told me. At the ground level I saw that in my business itself. Our company products that poured across the border from India sold at a premium. Whereas, same brands manufactured in Nepal - with identical formulation and packaging - by subsidiaries of Indian companies were not preferred. (We were able to overcome this marketing challenge over a period – but that’s a different story.) As one drives into town from the Kathmandu  airport – it is impossible to miss the grand Birendra International Convention Centre (now turned into a make-shift Constitutional Assembly House)  – “gifted to the People of Nepal’’ – by their northern neighbours (China).  Adding to the chaotic traffic are LPG operated eco-friendly mini public transport vehicles – another visible example of Chinese generosity. The Nepalis are football fanatics.  The Earth-quake resistant Kathmandu Stadium which China helped build originally for the SAARC games but now used mostly for Soccer – still stands firm even after many adjoining structures were damaged by the recent quakes. Intelligent interventions, that helps China get huge PR bang for its yuans. In contrast, one would be hard put to find any prominent landmark of Indian make – though I am sure India outspends China by many times over in Nepal by way of aid and financial assistance.

Raising this with the Indian establishment would always elicit a defensive response - such as ''do you know every 2 Rupees out of 3 in Nepal come from India ?" and rattle out statistics about how much is doled out by way of Gorkha pension alone. Therein lies the rub of big-brotherly arrogance (and, a sense of entitlement). Also there is the mandatory reference to the famous East-West between Kankarbhitta in the East to Banbasa (Uttarkhand) in the West - undoubtedly an excellent road. Ask the Nepali - who'd tell you how India exercised its veto power to keep out all foreign bidders (including China) - on the plea of the strategic significance of the road so close to the

border - and then took years to complete job using out-dated construction practices of Indian CPWD contractors. The underlying sub-text being the Chinese would have done a faster and better - it was a deliberate attempt to delay the project as India doesn't really care for Nepal's development.

I once asked an Indian Ambassador - why are the Nepalese so anti-Indians when most of their leaders have studied and even lived in India for long periods. He chuckled at my naiveté and said - ''You know all the Afghans who went to study in Soviet Russia came back as anti-Russian''. That notwithstanding still there's a queue at the Indian Embassy to secure admission in Indian colleges. Many candidates are taken at the recommendation of politicians - as favour (while there are also rumours about ''selling'' of seats by junior embassy staff). But, that doesn't help soften either the politicians or the students towards India - after their return from India.

The general attitude of Nepali-s is - whatever India does for us is in their own interest ( a small price for securing its borders) and is our birth-right. This was manifest during the recent Earthquake Relief Mission. But, what China and other countries do - is ''without strings attached'' and, therefore, deserves of recognition and reciprocation in kind.

Indian diplomats are the most sought after set for politicians in Kathmandu. The ''Minister'' of the Consular Section is an all season favourite, especially so before elections - for reasons not difficult to understand. It is said, Nepal is - perhaps - the only country where the Indian Ambassador can feel like the US Ambassador in a 3rd world country. But, how much clout they actually wield is matter of debate.

One Ambassador - who had served in neighbouring SAARC countries told me - it's most difficult to operate in Nepal because there is no clear and consistent (and, often, not coherent)  policy towards Nepal. Too many interest groups try to influence India's position in Nepal. Apart from politicians (of them the strongest lobby is, obviously from Bihar and UP) - within the government itself 4 channels operate simultaneously - namely MEA, MHA (IB) and PMO (read R&AW) and Army (Military Intelligence - not necessarily on the same wavelength. But, the most meddlesome he thought was a group - which he called the ''Feudacracy''. These were the so called ''Royals'' from India - who had strong links in Nepal through marriage ties. Therefore, one Station Head of R&AW - with an earthy sense of humour would often quip - ''We, of course, always act in India's best interest''. But, does India know what are its interests ?''.

Till now - if one asked a Nepali friend - which was the biggest flashpoint - in the history of Indo-Nepal relationship - most would say the 1989-90 blockade - the trigger for which they believe was the alleged incident of the then Indian PM's Christian Wife (Italian) refused entry into the Pashupatinath temple. Now, there will be a new ''blockade'' to talk about for years to come - unintentionally wiping out not just the memories of the Congress era but also the goodwill generated by Narendra Modi's  - "Nepal ka Dard, Hamara Dard'' - visit.

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Why the Netaji Files are like a classic ''Bikini Act'' ?

Only the politically naive or the incorrigible romantic nationalist would have expected anything dramatic to emerge from the 64 #NetajiFiles ‘declassified’ by the West Bengal government on Friday (18^th). It is doubtful if even the files stored in the vaults of the Prime Minister’s Office will finally seal the mystery of Netaji’s (by now certain) death. As, Anuj Dhar, the intrepid historian who relentlessly researched the Netaji story (and, arguably, the catalyst behind the clamour for declassification) says – the real truth probably lies in the records of IB and RAW, since the documents in the PMO may have been doctored to suit a particular (Nehruvian, he suggests) line of narrative.

The story has thankfully moved on from ‘Is Netaji still alive?’ to ‘Did Netaji actually die in the air-crash?’ Fifty years ago the excitement was around unconfirmed reports of ‘Netaji sightings’ (much like the illusory Himalayan Yeti) – be it a photograph at Nehru’s funeral or in an Ashram in Uttar Pradesh. The ‘believers’ (the term ‘Bhakt’ hadn’t entered the popular political lexicon then) lived in the hope of Netaji returning from self-imposed exile to save the country from the brink of collapse in the hands of the Nehru-Gandhi parivar (since then, of course, we have had the advent of Narendra Modi and the ‘Netaji’ title itself has been appropriated by a Wrestler from UP). To that extent – the debate has subsided to a more rationale plane – albeit still emotionally and politically polarised.

What is at stake is not Netaji’s contribution to India’s Independence - which has over the years been, by and large, comprehensively chronicled – but whether truth about his disappearance and eventual death has been tampered with – at the instance and to the advantage of  the political lineage – that substantially took over the reins of India post 1947.

What’s clear so far is, there was surveillance on all members of Netaji’s family who showed the slightest political inclination – his elder brother Sarat, nephews Amiya and Sisir till as late as early 70s. It is pertinent to note – other than the Nehrus – the Bose’ were one of the few significant political families of pre-independence India. While Nehru’s other political challengers were neutralised either by design, default or (natural) death – here was a family with educated and charismatic members who could potentially rise to national prominence.

The Russian angle  – its veracity or lack of it notwithstanding – could be a ‘’red-herring’’ as well - as some researchers believe. If indeed the Nehru government had confirmation of  Netaji dying in Soviet custody – it might have suited its interest to ‘leak’ the news and put paid to the myriad theories of his disappearance - even at the cost of scrapping the Taipei Air-crash story.

What would have been of greater concern  to the then ruling establishment – perhaps, more than Netaji’s own existence – is whether he left behind links with foreign powers - who could be using his family members to mount an alternative political movement –  within or outside the Congress. Though in the 50s or 60s it would have been inconceivable for Netaji’s German wife or daughter to come to India and lay claim to his political legacy  (like some other foreigner spouses and their mixed off-springs in later years) – it may not have been so farfetched for some of his other family members to do so, especially Sisir Bose – who many considered to be the political heir of Subhas Bose (having collaborated in his escape from India). Coupled with this is the wide-spread speculation of stashes of INA Funds  and other treasures (like gold and jewellery received as donations) left behind in Japan or elsewhere to which the family may have access.

In the coming days  - till after the 50 members of the Bose family meet the Prime Minister  - we shall see and hear a lot of sound and fury in a war of spin masters. We already find ‘sarkari’ historians nurtured by the previous regime at work and calculated plants appearing about Netaji’s meeting with Hitler, his taking part in Mao’s revolution or helping in other Communist uprisings in South-Asia and plans to establish ‘ruthless dictatorship’ in India – like Tito or Mao. Interestingly, if any of these tales turn out to be true then it would make Netaji an even larger cult figure.

Therefore, chances are, even if all the files are opened to the public  –  the disclosures will still be like the classic ‘Bikini Act’ – revealing  only what is suggestive but hiding the vital.

But, the enigma of Subhas Bose will be etched in the memory of Indians (not just Bengalis) for a long time – as the testosterone hero of the National Independence – a foil to the effete nationalism of Nehru.

Article first published in +DailyO India Today